Billionaire media empires: the silent erosion of France’s democracy

France, a country with deep republican roots, is now grappling with an alarming democratic crisis.While the rise of far-right movements across Europe garners global attention, a quieter but equally dangerous transformation is taking place in France. At the heart of this shift is a powerful network of media controlled by conservative billionaires, enabling undemocratic decisions to be taken without much pushback. These media outlets are actively shaping public perception and national narratives, allowing President Emmanuel Macron to sideline the will of the people. 

While France was captivated by the Paris Olympics—a spectacle that had the whole nation smiling from ear to ear, the country’s political landscape was being dramatically reshaped. President Macron used the oldest trick in the book. As the French were glued to their TVs, cheering at the grand venues used for the Games, they barely noticed they were missing a Prime Minister. Let’s rewind on a history-altering summer in French politics.  

On 9 June, 2024, following the European Union’s Parliamentary elections, Macron made an unexpected decision: he dissolved the French Parliament, calling for snap elections just two weeks later. This political move, shocking in its isolation and secrecy (not even Macron’s closest advisers were consulted), marked a significant turning point in French politics. While past presidents like De Gaulle and Mitterrand had dissolved Parliament before, Macron’s decision came at a time of resounding victory for the far-right, raising questions about his true motives. Was he hoping the far-right would win and collapse under its own incompetence, or was he gambling on another personal victory? Either way, Macron’s actions paved the way for an unprecedented political gamble.  

Media controlled by conservative billionaires such as Vincent Bolloré, Bernard Arnault and Martin Bouygues have played an integral role in creating a climate conducive to the rise of the far-right over the past decade. These media groups, at the hands of a few powerful men, are actively shaping the political discourse in a way that normalises far-right narratives and talking points. By giving disproportionate airtime to far-right figures and framing their extremist positions as legitimate responses to France’s social and economic challenges, these media outlets are gradually shifting public opinion.  

In particular, TV channels owned by Vincent Bolloré have been instrumental in mainstreaming far-right rhetoric, presenting it as a rational alternative to the so-called chaotic left. This has fostered a political environment where far-right ideologies are no longer seen as fringe or dangerous, but as viable solutions, thereby paving the way for their potential electoral victories. The media’s portrayal of France’s political landscape has increasingly become one of polarisation and conflict, where authoritarian policies are presented as necessary for stability, further eroding trust in traditional democratic values and laying the groundwork for a far-right ascendancy.  

Macron has expertly navigated this evolving political landscape to justify the necessity of his political offering. Posing as the only alternative to the threat of the far-right, also known as the ‘cordon sanitaire’, while working hand in hand with them behind closed doors, allowed him to have it both ways. Institutions meant to protect democratic rights, such as ARCOM, have done too little to counter the growing influence of these media empires. While ARCOM revoked the broadcasting license of one of Bolloré’s channels due to repeated offences related to hate speech and misinformation, such actions remain rare and insufficient. With billionaire-owned media actively distorting the political narrative, France’s democratic fabric is fraying, and the erosion is happening now. 

Surprisingly, and despite the concerted efforts of these media empires, the left coalition of the New Popular Front (NFP) won the elections. Traditionally, this would have resulted in the appointment of a Prime Minister from the winning coalition, reflecting the will of the people. Even the far-right would have expected such a concession if they had won, and they likely would have got it, too. However, instead of honouring the election results and nominating a leader from the victorious left, President Macron appointed Michel Barnier, a member of the right-wing party The Republicans (Les Républicains) – a party soundly defeated in the elections. 

The media justified this move by portraying the left’s victory as marginal and the coalition as hopelessly divided. Bolloré’s media empire, in particular, amplified these narratives, painting a picture of dysfunction and chaos on the left, even though these divisions were largely exaggerated. At first, it was suggested that Jean-Luc Mélenchon – leader of the left-wing party Unsubmissive France (La France Insousmise) – could not be Prime Minister due to his perceived extremism. He withdrew. Then, the conditions shifted. It was the entire Insoumis party that was deemed dangerous. Again, the left obliged, and the Insoumis agreed to withdraw. As the NFP left coalition continued to make concessions, each new proposal was met with another, more stringent demand.  

Several figures from the NFP, including more moderate voices from the Socialist Party and other factions within the coalition, were presented as potential candidates in an effort to meet the ever-changing conditions imposed by Macron’s administration. Despite these compromises, the government rejected each proposal, continuously moving the goalposts by adding new conditions that ultimately revealed a lack of genuine intent to allow anyone from the left to assume the position of Prime Minister.  

The role of the media in this political crisis cannot be overstated. The misinformation campaign served to legitimise Macron’s undemocratic manoeuvres, eroding trust in the electoral process. While the French Constitution does grant the President significant discretion in naming the Prime Minister, political norms and traditions often guide these decisions. Barnier’s nomination was a breach of these tacit agreements and a blatant disregard for democratic values that protect the spirit of representation and popular will.  

The media empires of a few billionaires worked tirelessly to shape public discourse, downplay the dangers of Macron’s increasingly authoritarian decisions and exaggerate the divisions within the left coalition. This manipulation has distorted public understanding and allowed Macron to act with little scrutiny or consequence. By aligning with Macron’s agenda, these media outlets have contributed to the erosion of France’s democratic safeguards. Instead of holding power accountable, they have acted as enablers, framing Macron’s power plays as necessary and downplaying their authoritarian undertones. This is not an isolated trend, but part of a broader pattern in which media narratives are increasingly aligned with political and corporate interests, leaving little room for genuine dissent. 

Macron’s manipulation of democratic norms, backed by a complicit media, is handing the far-right an invaluable gift. His tactics—stifling dissent, undermining democratic institutions and manipulating political customs—create the perfect conditions for the far-right to rise and potentially seize control of the nation in the few years to come. By consolidating power through media-backed narratives, Macron is inadvertently laying the groundwork for a far-right government that, once in power, may never let go. 

Media independence must be strengthened. There must be greater regulation and oversight of media ownership in France to prevent a small group of billionaires from monopolising public discourse. ARCOM should be given stronger powers to enforce balanced reporting and reduce corporate influence on media content. Plurality of media must be ensured through public funding. National media must be protected, and the plurality and freedom of ideas restored.  

The views expressed in this #CriticalThinking article reflect those of the author(s) and not of Friends of Europe.